Contra el TLC - Against CAFTA
Guatemala, Marzo de 2005Nationwide Strike in Guatemala Forces Discussion of Agrarian Issues
Rebecca Brigham 18 Jun 2004 14:58 GMT
http://newswire.indymedia.org/de/newswire/2004/06/804581.shtmlOn Tuesday June 8th, Guatemala was paralyzed by a nationwide strike in protest of the recent increase in land evictions of predominantly indigenous families, as well as a regressive tax proposal and the newly signed Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). The strike was organized by a diverse coalition of over one hundred indigenous rights groups, women's organizations, human rights groups, campesino organizations, and labor unions and was supported by international solidarity actions, including a protest in front of the Guatemalan Embassy in Washington, DC. The strike effected nearly all of the departments of Guatemala during the twelve hours it lasted. And in spite of concerns of state violence to quell the protest, it ended peacefully with an agreement signed by President Berger, the Supreme Court, and the coalition of groups that initiated the strike.
Thirty-nine land evictions of predominantly indigenous families have occurred since President Berger took office in January, of which 23 reportedly were executed with extreme violence. These evictions left 1,500 families homeless and without food, shelter, and security. On February 23rd, President Berger committed himself publicly to ending violent evictions, but they have continued, with at least 15 of the 23 occurring after his promise. However, technically Berger cannot make such a promise at all, as the evictions fall into the jurisdiction of the Judicial System. Given this fact, it is of peculiar note that only five evictions occurred during the entire four years of Alfonso Portillo's presidency (an average of 0.2 evictions per month), while the last five months under Berger have seen nearly eight times as many in only four months (translating to an average of nearly eight per month).
There is overall concern in Guatemala over the inequality of land distribution, which is among the most severe in the world. In 1998, less than 0.15 percent of agricultural producers held title to 70 percent of arable land, all of it producing crops for export. At the same time that so many small farmers lacked enough land to survive, 60 percent of usable cropland remained uncultivated. Most analyses since suggest that farmland is only becoming more concentrated over time, with the evictions reinforcing the problem.
In addition to agrarian issues, protests were directed against CAFTA, which many fear will further impoverish small landholders and restrict their ability to compete in both local and global markets. Also of concern was a new regressive tax plan, which proposed a value-added tax hike that would disproportionately affect the poor, as well as the taxation of salary bonuses and the cancellation of a tax exemption for people earning less than $4,500 a year.
The strikes affected twenty of the twenty-two departments of the country; in Guatemala City, thousands of protesters surrounded the Congressional building, the finance office, and the office of the Public Prosecutor, as well as Aurora International Airport and the domestic airport in Petén. Major highways and roads, including those to Honduras, Mexico, El Salvador, and both coasts were blocked by protesters. President Berger had promised to use force to remove the protesters if traffic was stopped, and, indeed, the police used tear gas on the crowd on the highway just outside of Cobán. On the part of the protesters, the strike was mostly a peaceful one, with only a few scattered acts of non-strategic violence documented.
Although the strike was originally planned to last two days, only eight hours into the strike President Berger arranged to negotiate with strike leaders. An agreement was reached and signed four hours later, ending the strike peacefully. In the agreement, the Supreme Court, represented by its Chief Justice José Rolando Quezada Fernandez, agreed to investigate the legality and process of the recent land evictions. President Berger agreed that his government would promote concrete measures to deal with the agrarian conflict, including opening a special office on agrarian affairs and asking Congress to review the laws on land occupations, both of which had already been promised in the past. President Berger also reiterated his past promise to end the land evictions, although he does not have the power to do so; this promise was not put into the agreement signed by the negotiating parties. He also agreed to circulate copies of the CAFTA agreement in all of the Mayan languages, another old promise. Finally, President Berger promised that his GANA coalition, which holds 39 of the 158 seats in Congress, would vote against the taxation of salary bonuses and the repeal of the tax exemption for people earning less than $4,500 a year. In exchange for these concessions, the protesters agreed to a 90 day moratorium on protests and strikes, after which time they will reconvene with the government to evaluate the progress that has been made. However, Vice President Eduardo Stein cautioned that in that time only « the groundwork » will be laid for a solution.
The outcomes of the strike were generally positive on all sides. By offering to negotiate, the government was able to avoid entirely a second day of the strike and the protesters were pleased with the government's willingness to listen to their demands. According to Miguel Angel Sandoval, leader of the Agrarian Platform: « Until Wednesday, the government had given priority to the interests of the business sector, of which it is a faithful representative, but it now understands that it has to change directions and take public opinion into account to govern. » Cesar Davila, leader of the Social Organizations Collective of Guatemala, agreed: « For us, the strike's main success was getting the government to agree [to meet] to discuss our requests. For the government, it was the fact that it was given an opportunity to demonstrate its political will to resolve those [requests]. » However, not all were as positive about the outcome of the strike. Marco Antonio Barahona of the Association of Investigation and Social Studies called the strike a « waste of popular energy » because President Berger had already promised much of what he agreed to in negotiations.
Additionally, the strike proved the potential strength generated when 100 diverse grassroots organizations unite for a common cause. The strike's success in forcing the government to hear its demands opens the possibility that the national strike will become a more common technique in Guatemala through which marginalized groups can make their voices heard.
The strike has still left the agrarian issue in a tenuous situation. The protesters are looking to President Berger to protect them by halting the land evictions, which he does not have the jurisdiction to do. The government is under extreme pressure from wealthy landowners to continue evicting poor campesinos from their unused land. Another eviction before the end of the 90 days could spark renewed public protest. The next few months will reveal the Guatemalan government's political will to comply with the negotiated points and commit to solving the agrarian problem.
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